UID and Bangladeshi migrants: Worries from an Assam newspaper

If the focus, in the efforts to enroll (and resist enrollment) of hijras, kinnars, and other transgender identified and labelled persons, has been on NGOs tying up with corporate outsourced agencies, in the case of Assam the model appears in this brief English-language news article in the Sentinal to be a more state-centered and planned-development approach. The question of the Bangladeshi migrant saturates Assamese media.

Anti-Bangladeshi migrant student meeting, Assam

The article in question was posted a year ago, January 13, 2011.

UID work to start in Assam

GUWAHATI, Jan 13: The exercise of giving unique identification number (UID) to Indian citizens in Assam is about to start. The UID work is going on in some States of the country.

The task of providing UID for the people of Assam has been assigned to the State home and political department. The department has decided to carry out the work in five districts – Sonitpur, Sivasagar, Jorhat, Dibrugarh and Tinsukia – in the first phase.

Under the home and political department, the Panchayat and Rural Development Department will do the UID work in Sonitpur, Sivasagar and Tinsukia districts, and the Food and Civil Supplies Department in Jorhat and Dibrugarh districts.

The first-phase UID exercise is supposed to be completed by March 31, 2011.

After allotment of the UID, one will get a card called Multi-Purpose National Identity Card.

Though the Centre has directed the State Government to complete the UID work by March 31, there are no clear-cut instructions on how to avoid giving UID to a foreigner in the State where various organizations have for decades been campaigning against influx of Bangladeshis. The State Government is also facing a lot of problems in going ahead with the updating of the National Register of Citizens (NRC).

Sources said, “It will be interesting to see whether the State Government can complete the UID exercise within March 31 because many officers of various  departments have already been engaged to perform Assembly election-related  duties.”

3 comments:

1) The “task” of Aadhaar “has been assigned” to the “state home and political department.” What process of assigning—by whom (UIDAI?), how—produces Aadhaar in Assam, here less of the deleriously promissary end-of-poverty-and-corruption story than a “task,” almost a burden, one that must be achieved through phases in select districts, rationalized surely if begrudgingly (?),  not the entrepreneurial boosterism of the NGO (like Humsafar) bringing forward its target population (in that case, transgenders/hijras) to be counted and (we hope) saved. More broadly, what distribution of the statist-developmental and the neoliberal-entrepreneurial organizes Aadhaar nationally? How are such distributions organized, contested, and lived?

2) If the dominant concern of Aadhaar at the Centre is the duplicate, and the need to de-duplicate in order to assign a “universal” ID, here on the border the dominant concern is the migrant who passes: the Bangladeshi. Passing is a related form of the Duplicate, the 420 [the part of the Indian Penal Code historically concerned with illegal duplication, that is con artistry, to use the American idiom], but at stake is not the singular multiplying citizen but the mass of multiplying non-citizens. The UID becomes a threatening means to regularize the illegal: the state UID apparatus seems to acknowledge in advance it has no sure way before the originary gift of identification to differentiate the true from the doubled citizen.

3) And it seems the cadres of the state have all been assigned to elections, their primary raison d’être. So no one is there to count: a different kind of ‘manpower crunch.’

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On the “shocking” disappearance of persons in Assam

Assam is the largest of India’s long marginalized Northeastern states. I begin with a Facebook posting of Aadhaar/UID enrollment numbers that seem to the poster to suggest that almost no one in the state of Assam is being registered. At stake appears to be the disappearance of an entire state, or at least of its future promise in relation to the guarantees of UID.

by Project BUG – Build Up Guwahati.
[Posted on Friday, April 1, 2011 at 11:20am]

Unique Identification – AADHAAR : Current Status –  Statewise

“Andhra Pradesh”,”1351691″

“Karnataka”,”1230990″

“Tripura”,”478817″

“Maharashtra”,”405228″

“Jharkhand”,”325893″

“Madhya Pradesh”,”139211″

“Himachal Pradesh”,”89444″

“Delhi”,”57490″

“Uttar Pradesh”,”51131″

“West Bengal”,”29572″

“Tamil Nadu”,”16401″

“Uttarakhand”,”13146″

“Bihar”,”3957″

“Manipur”,”2563″

“Orissa”,”2253″

“Pondicherry”,”1662″

“Gujarat”,”1352″

“Chhattisgarh”,”1236″

“Punjab”,”1171″

“Sikkim”,”1093″

“Chandigarh”,”1034″

“Others”,”1895″ < it may include Assam , not sure >

Data collected from: http://portal.uidai.gov.in/uidwebportal/dashboard.do?lc=h as on 1st April 2011 ( No manupulation of data is done , in case if you have any doubt please match with the given official link ).

1) The numbers for all states are incredibly low at the moment of the data collection. Are we still too early in the game? Is this resistance to Aadhaar, in Assam or elsewhere? Is this the “manpower crunch” reported in a previous post? Is there an error somewhere in this chain of reported information? Or is this the marginalization of the Northeast, yet again? Such questions seem to hover here.

2) We watch: the poster, and then the blogger, and now you, follow along as the counts of persons in this or that region, or of this or that community, rise or stagnate. I write this as my hometown San Francisco [American] football team just lost a major championship game, so my mind is on vehicles of collective identification, like sports teams, and their failure. Here the identification is with a number. Does identification with or investment in a sense of place come to depend on what we might term its enumerative value? Does the number, to continue the football analogy, become some kind of totem? Do groups come to experience their demography? Is this the effect of unique identification?

Of course, building on the work of Patricia and Roger Jeffery, one could argue that enumerative value is no new social fact, in India or elsewhere. The context of the Jeffreys’ work is of course family planning and anti-natalism. How UIDAI may transform both regional, communitarian, and expert understandings of population and pro-natalism is an interesting question.

3) The UIDAI portal the Facebook post directs us to indeed suggests immense disparities in registration, with two relatively “forward” states (Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra) bearing the lion’s share of registrants. Assam remains almost invisible graphically (as, of note, are transgenders in the subsequent breakdown of current enrollments by gender). Backwardness, always a bit of a floating signifier in terms of the work it does, here takes on a new graphical interface.

Transgender demographics, counting backwardness, and UIDAI

This is the final post for now on contested campaigns to enrol hijra/kinnar/TG “Residents” into UID. Tomorrow I want to take up the contest over UID in a different context, the Indian Northeastern states (and thanks to Malini Sur for the suggestion pushing me to do so).

The article is again a dated one. The version I cite appeared on 6 November 2011, from the wire service PTI, and is entitled: Over 12,500 eunuchs get ‘Aadhaar.’

New Delhi: More than 12,500 transgenders across the country have been issued ‘Aadhaar’ numbers by the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI). “Aadhaar number is being issued to transgender. As on October 28, 2011, 12,548 of Aadhaar numbers are issued to the community,” the UIDAI said in reply to an RTI query. Besides, close to six crore [60 million] such numbers were issued to individuals within nearly three years since the inception of the authority. The UIDAI has launched the Aadhaar scheme in September last year with a mandate to issue every citizen a 12-digit unique identification number linked to the resident’s demographic and biometric information. People can use their Aadhaar numbers to identify themselves anywhere in India as well as to access a host of benefits and services. “There are 5,85,77,503 number issued,” the UIDAI said replying to the RTI application filed by PTI. However, it could not give year-wise details of Aadhaar numbers issued to eunuchs, as the authority has been facing a manpower crunch because nearly 50 per cent of its total sanctioned strength of 383 are lying vacant. “UIDAI is a new organisation. The process of filling up the posts was initiated in September 2009. 196 posts have been filled up so far,” it said. The UIDAI, which acts as an attached office of the Planning Commission, has issued over one crore Aadhaar numbers and envisages to issue 60 crore [600 million] such identity numbers by 2014. PTI
Three points:
1) In the context of 60 million Aadhaar numbers allegedly issued, 12 and a half thousand may appear quite small: indeed, some well-known queer activists have expressed concern in this regard [personal communication]. The article notes no breakdown was available year by year, presumably such data might have showed [or failed to show] rising enrollments. At stake in the numbers may be both a future-oriented sense of political clout (or lack thereof) and maintaining or increasing flows of NGO-mediated welfare support for community health including HIV/AIDS treatment. To what extent, echoing a concern Maria Ekstrand and Ashveer Singh have raised in comments to an earlier post, will health programs come to depend on UID enrollment?
2) The article noted a failure of UIDAI to produce a data breakdown as a manpower crunch. Half its positions appear as of this article to be “lying vacant.” The implication is not clear: is the UID authority inefficient or corrupt? Are there better jobs elsewhere, in IT? UID’s promise as the “end of corruption and inefficiency” in the version of this report appears to founder on corruption or inefficiency within its own body.
3) The article is shorn of commentary. Why is the number being reported? What mechanisms produced it? As we read further, one might ask: are such articles, reporting the progress of Aadhaar registration, a general feature of life in UID-India? Are places or communities with low enrollments taken as somehow “backward,” the latter a dense signifier in contemporary India? I cannot justify the reading yet, but I have a sense that an imputation of backwardness is somehow at stake here. This theme may be one to follow in the structure of debate on the Northeast.

Fellow traveler(s): left identification, transgender citation

Many websites carried news of the conference. Building on the conception of an intervention and its penumbra, discussed earlier, I want to chart the range of publicity to think a bit about the differential and, paraphrasing my colleague Aihwa Ong, graduated publics constituted through talk about UID.

Let’s do a web search for the conference announcement.

So, here are a few sites that a Google search on the conference brings up, each advertising the conference in advance.

I.  United Black Untouchables Worldwide: “This Blog is all about Black Untouchables,Indigenous, Aboriginal People worldwide, Refugees, Persecuted nationalities, Minorities and global RESISTANCE. The style is autobiographical full of Experiences with Academic Indepth Investigation. It is all against Brahminical Zionist White Postmodern Galaxy MANUSMRITI APARTHEID order, ILLUMINITY worldwide and HEGEMONIES Worldwide to ensure LIBERATION of our People Enslaved and Persecuted, Displaced and Killed.”

This is a widely-ranging and, as the author notes, deeply personal blog focused on Marxist/anti-Brahman critique of caste and labor exploitation but global in scope. One might note only that the struggles of “sexual minorities,” as some of the conference literature frames the issue, are no longer excluded or marginalized from Marxist conceptions of praxis, if this blog is any evidence.

2. http://aboriginalhumanity.blogspot.com/ : This blog, less elaborated as a distinctive site the the previous, seems nonetheless to be published by the same author give ins range of styles and topics.

3. http://himalayanaltitudes.blogspot.com/ : Again, this blog appears to be the result of the same author or a close collaborator: at least a lot of the posts are identical.

4. http://dalitrefugees.blogspot.com/ : A large selection of Gujarati language tests, which I cannot read, and a wide set of cross-postings often exposing scandal.

5. http://kolkatacries.blogspot.com/ : Despite the Kolkata location in the blog title, the identical set of Gujarati posts as the last blog,

So this has been a less than fruitful exercise, perhaps. My initial question was focused on examining the range and gradation of a public coming into focus around an issue, the lines of address, the different (and most often non-Transgender) publics responding to and organizing themselves around the site of Transgender rights and victimization. The hope was to get some slight purchase on how debate on UID is organized and publicized and what kinds of stakes are made apparent.

But mostly, there seem to be a handful of passionately committed publicists (or maybe just 1 person?)  who happen to have been made aware of the conference and flagged it on her/his/their multiple blogs.

Interesting how my own effort here founders on a fear of “duplication” and my efforts to figure out stakes and constituencies in the formation of either a TG or UID public threaten to become a “de-duplication” apparatus.

Time to turn elsewhere.

More on the “UID and Transgenders” Conference 1

The last post looked briefly at a news item reporting on the Bengaluru [Bangalore] conference “UID and Transgenders: Potential and Concerns.” I want to follow this up over the next few days by looking briefly at some of the sites where the conference was publicized. I first quote the conference invitation [English-language version] in full. It is a carefully thought through document:

Dear friends, Aneka and Karnataka Sexual Minorities Forum invite you for a Consultation, UID and Transgenders: Potential and Concerns.  On Thursday, 10th November 2011, at Vidya Deep College, 128/1, Ulsoor Road, Bangalore 42 (near Shilton Suites) between 4 – 6:30 PM.  The ambitious Unique Identification number (UID) exercise that is now underway in the country has provoked strong responses from various sides. While some hail it as an enabler; a tool that can help the state deliver welfare measures and rights; others are sharply critical of the concept and process. Many of these concerns and issues have been debated on various fora, one issue that has not received the kind of attention it deserves is that of transgenders and the UID. The UID allows people to register themselves as transgenders (along with Male and Female).  In this respect the UID is indeed unique. (The other official document that has space for transgenders is the Election Identity Card that has a column called  “others” under sex.) Some organisations have taken this provision in the UID as a positive step and have started to encourage transgenders (and other sexual minorities) to enrol themselves. One of the reasons why transgenders find it difficult to access the UID is the erasure of their identity. Many of them have few “official” documents and the ones that they do have indicate the sex that they are born into and not the gender that they now express. The fact that they have no proof of their identity is a huge impediment to their sense of entitlement as well as for them to actually access the benefits that are rightfully theirs. However given the critical questions raised on privacy, civil liberties (besides technological feasibility and costs) an uncritical acceptance of the UID as a “pure good” is also problematic. Aneka and Karnataka Sexual Minorities Forum invite you to a meeting to discuss and understand the implications of the UID for transgenders.

3 quick notes before proceeding:

1.The official inscription of the transgender: both UIDAI and the election card, according to the invitation, now allow registration under a third class, neither female nor male. At some point we should address the politics of kinnar/TG recognition “as third” in U.P. and Bihar, in north India, in relation to elections and reservation (affirmative action) policy. Part of the question for me is the differential commitment to “thirdness” as a site of respect and recognition.

2. Both sides now: The invitation offers terse but careful renderings of both the promise and the potential danger of UID on the sex/gender margin. It is one of the first documents I have seen over the past two weeks of this website’s existence that does not throw itself entirely into a pro-UID or anti-UID position. What are the conditions of this “balanced” position, in the making of this conference but also more generally? Are there other forms of address to UID that eschew the UID good/UID bad binary for other ways of problematizing what is at stake?

3. Whither welfare?: As noted in the invitation, the case for UID’s promise to the common man [sic], such as it is, presumes the rationalized and deterritorialized organization of rights and entitlements to persons as a “service model.” We have yet to explore the question of deterritorialization and mobility of a program organized around the “Resident” as the subject of service provision; we have yet to explore the presumptions of service itself as a potentially radical refiguring of citizenship and the political sphere. But more generally, how do we understand and conceptualize the politics of welfare under liberalism, in India in this case, and the impact in this context of UID? The historian Sarah Hodges in a kind response to this blog asked how UID was related to or supplanting the ration card, and indeed the question of the ration card might be a critical way in to frame this set of questions.

“UID and Transgenders” Conference: Rights Activists Nix Aadhaar

Does state and market recognition through biometrics benefit “sexual minorities”? This is the question posed–the last 2 days’ postings have examined Mumbai-based NGOs’ answering yes. Today’s post (delayed due to start of school year and my just getting back) is a news article from the online India-focused news service and site DNA, reporting on human rights activists who argue the contrary position. The article reports, if somewhat crudely, on a conference held in Bengaluru [Bangalore].

Sexual minorities: UID makes them unique target

Published: Friday, Nov 11, 2011, 11:54 IST
By DNA Correspondent | Place: Bangalore | Agency: DNA

What does gender have to do with unique identification numbers? That’s the question that sexual minorities are asking and they are pondering whether they should opt for Aadhaar.

“Any marginalised community can be targeted. Each denomination can be segregated,” said lawyer BT Venkatesh speaking at a consultation on ‘UID and Transgenders: Potential and Concerns’, on Thursday.

The community that is already discriminated against will become more vulnerable once they tick the ‘TG’ box in the section for gender and become known as transgenders, he said. Also, if the database is hacked, a person’s life can be derailed.

Human Rights activist Uma Chandru said: “Sex workers are constantly harassed. Members of sexual minorities are targeted.” The UID would only help segregate them for such treatment. For instance, the hijra community can be summoned to the police station and harassed if any child goes missing because there is a belief that they steal children, she said.

Members of sexual minorities, who are in desperate need for identity proof as it is a necessity for something as simple as buying a SIM card, are unsure if they should welcome the Aadhaar. Recounting the examination that she had to put herself through to secure a passport, Veena said: “It took me one year and two months to get my passport. At the passport office, the official questioned me for more than an hour. At the hospital, I was stripped, my organs scanned and photographed. At the police station, too, I had to answer many uncomfortable questions.” Authorities even asked her why she needed a passport and if she would misuse it.

Manjesh said that sexual minorities have to work hard to prove their identity and show that the certificates were genuine. “Securing my father’s property was difficult. People beat me up and accuse me of stealing someone else’s documents,” he said. “I have been unable to get the benefits that are given to disabled people even though I am eligible for it because of the gender and identity issue,” another member said.

However, there is no legal basis for collecting biometric information, Aadhaar is “something sinister” that has to be resisted, Venkatesh said.

3 quick thoughts:

1) the mobile narrative of the painful strip search: This article is not the first to document the presumption of the police and other agencies nationally in subjecting transgender persons to disrespectful and humiliating body searches in service of somehow authenticating and ‘de-duplicating’ their identity in authorizing a passport or other documents. The question of the authenticity of the hijra body and the threat of the “false hijra” is a layered question that in the past has saturated both hijra and non-hijra practices of making and policing gender, of ethics, and of sustaining and undoing community boundaries. Here it converges troublingly with the legal-administrative figure of the duplicate.

Elsewhere this same report of the painful and violating search has been used precisely to argue the opposite, as a clear rationale for UID: here it is being used for the opposed purpose. The source of the event in question is (understandably) never offered, and so the narrative becomes a free-floating object inserted in very different sorts of rights and entitlement based claims.

2) Speaking for TGs?: Here, as in the thread cited over the last few days (and as in this blog), “transgenders” are spoken about but not clearly present in the conversation. The named voice of authority is that of ‘human rights’ activism, and the integrity of transgender lives and citizenships here becomes a project to guarantee the human as such. Paraphrasing the classic framing of Lata Mani in her work on others speaking for the sati, one might ask the extent to which the figure of the ‘transgender/hijra’ here is neither subject nor object of debate but its ground. The ways the identical account of official brutalization can be used either to make claims for or against UID somehow seems to dislocate the materiality of the event and make it available as a floating signifier.

But this may not be at all fair to the reporter. The Bangalore activist/NGO milieu has complex and hard-won relations between TG- and non-TG- queers. The conference itself may be generated within this context.

3) Troubling the unique status of Aadhaar: Veena’s account of the intense and humiliating medical forensic examination of her motives and organs in her effort to secure a passport, and those of others’ cited, troubles the presumption that Aadhaar will save people from this kind of violence and suggests rather it will merely multiply it. In my last post, I looked at claims that the queer/sexual health NGO would be expected to serve as the guarantor of identity. But the assembled experience at the conference may suggest otherwise.

Intervention and penumbra 2: the Humsafar Trust/Wipro TG/Hijra UID Aadhaar camp

Today I want to look at responses to Vivek Anand’s posting on the Gay Bombay listserve.

Several very active, important people in overlapping LGBT rights and AIDS prevention and treatment worlds wrote supportively of Humsafar Trust [HST]’s initiative. For example:

Excellent initiative, Congratulations.
Best,
Aditya B
 And
This is an absolutely marvelous initiative Vivek and Pallav! The
TG community certainly needs to get Aadhaar numbers. From the
very beginning Nandan Nilekani's team of UIDAI has ensured that
the enrollment process of Aadhaar is INCLUSIVE. The demographic
data capture field for gender has three options MALE, FEMALE and
TRANSGENDER. You may want to get more information about Aadhaar
and how it will change the face of India on this link:
http://uidai.gov.in/ <http://uidai.gov.in/>

Aadhaar is the world's largest biometric data (iris scan, face
pic, fingerprint) capture project. UIDAI targets 1.2 billion
residents of India.

Regards,
Deep

Deep’s posting is interesting, suggesting not only the powerful draw of state recognition (here legible as the technical code allowing a ‘data capture field for gender’ with ‘three options MALE, FEMALE and TRANSGENDER’) but also that this new form of recognition and inclusion is identified directly with the executive and efficient force of Nandan Nilekani himself.

More announcements from HST followed. The HST Advocacy Officer Gautam Yadav posted the following, which I only excerpt as it otherwise overlaps with CEO Vivek Anand’s letter.

Each TG/Hijra group in the city has been asked to mobilize their
populations to avail of this facility. In case identity documents
are incomplete the organisation can do the following. Provide: 

1) Letter from the organisation they are working with/accessing
services (respective NGO) with their photo for identity proof

2) Address proof of office( electric bill/ telephone bill/ leave
license agreement) as their address proof.

We have informed Sakhi Char Chowghi, Astitva, Ekta Foundation,
Darpan Foundation, Triveni Sangam , Kinnar Kastoori and Kinnar
Asmita to mobilise their communities to avail of this facility.

Of note, this posting directly addresses a similar concern to the one I raised yesterday: persons who cannot produce POI [Proof of Identity] documentation can instead be identified as a recipient of services from the ‘respective NGO’; and, if I understand the post correctly, the NGO’s POA [Proof of Address] can serve as proxy for the Resident’s.

Thus, very interestingly, ‘residency’ as a requirement for universal recognition by UIDAI has a proxy condition: NGO affiliation as a recipient of services.The NGO stands in for the formal residency that the ‘informalized’ urban slumdweller cannot produce. To use the contested terms of Partha Chatterjee, the NGO brokers the relation of political society (those lacking formal relations of legitimacy to labor and to land) to civil society (those formally recognizable as citizens).

Others were less optimistic: “cuteboy” writes

Gautamji... what good will this UID do ???

Deep responds again, this time with the by now familiar promise of UID. It is a lengthy posting, the length itself worth noting. The length and density, if heartfelt, seem to bludgeon cuteboy’s question…. What may also be worth noting is that the subject of this positive claim for UID is not a specifically gendered or transgendered subaltern but (I would argue) once again the generalized ‘common man’ I have encountered over the past week’s readings.

I am not suggesting that such a generalization is necessarily a problem: one could argue in contrast that Deep resists the pathologization or spectacularization of transgender life. But whereas in theory such a refusal to specify the benefits of UID for transgender, kinnar, or hijra persons and communities may resist a certain kind of interpellation, in practice I find myself wondering if critical questions are being neglected.

Deep’s first theme is access to state and private services through universal and trustworthy identification. Implicit, to the extent this is a response to the marginalization of transgender persons, is a claim that in being rendered both universal and trustworthy kinnars, hijras, and others will gain access to services.

Why Aadhaar? Aadhaar-based identification will have two unique
features: Universality, which is ensured because Aadhaar will
over time be recognised and accepted across the country and across
all service providers. Every resident's entitlement to the number.
The number will consequently form the basic, universal identity
infrastructure over which Registrars and Agencies across the 
country can build their identity-based applications. Unique 
Identification of India (UIDAI) will build partnerships with 
various Registrars across the country to enrol residents for the 
number. Such Registrars may include state governments, state 
Public Sector Units (PSUs), banks, telecom companies, etc. These 
Registrars may in turn partner with enrolling agencies to enrol 
residents into Aadhaar. Aadhaar will ensure increased trust 
between public and private agencies and residents. Once residents 
enrol for Aadhaar, service providers will no longer face the 
problem of performing repeated Know Your Customer (KYC) checks 
before providing services. They would no longer have 
to deny services to residents without identification documents. 
Residents would also  be spared the trouble of repeatedly proving
identity through documents each time they wish to access services 
such as obtaining a bank account, passport, or driving license 
etc. By providing a clear proof of identity, Aadhaar will empower 
poor and underprivileged residents in accessing services such as 
the formal banking system and give them the opportunity to easily 
avail various other services provided by the Government and the 
private sector. The centralised technology infrastructure of the 
UIDAI will enable 'anytime, anywhere, anyhow' authentication. 
Aadhaar will thus give migrants mobility of identity. Aadhaar 
authentication can be done both offline and online, online 
authentication through a cell phone or land line connection will 
allow residents to verify their identity remotely. Remotely, 
online Aadhaar-linked identity verification will give poor 
and rural residents the same flexibility that urban non-poor 
residents presently have in verifying their identity and 
accessing services such as banking and retail. Aadhaar will also 
demand proper verification prior to enrolment, while ensuring 
inclusion. Existing identity databases in India are fraught with
problems of fraud and duplicate or ghost beneficiaries. To prevent
these problems from seeping into the Aadhaar database, the UIDAI 
plans to enrol residents into its database with proper 
verification of their demographic and biometric information. This 
will ensure that the data collected is clean from the beginning of the 
program. However, much of the poor and under-privileged 
population lack identity documents and Aadhaar may be the first 
form of identification they will have access to. The UIDAI will 
ensure that its Know Your Resident (KYR) standards do not become a 
barrier for enrolling the poor and has accordingly developed an 
Introducer system for residents who lack documentation. Through 
this system, authorised individuals ('Introducers') who already 
have an Aadhaar, can introduce residents who don't have any 
identification documents, enabling them to receive their Aadhaar.
Deep goes on to add a lengthy discussion of micropayments, an extensive and well-formulated rationale for how Aadhaar will enable marginal economic actors (“the poor”) to be incorporated into the economy. I will not take up the economics of UID yet.
Before returning to the listserve and to what it includes and excludes, I would just note what else Deep’s posting offers: (1) terminology, positions, rationales: Introducers, KYR standards, KYC checks, the familiar problem of duplication (here described as a “seepage” into the Aadhaar database); (2) a flexible vision of “anytime, anywhere, anyhow authentication” that seems at the outset like an extraordinary mash-up of an ATM machine and a society of total control.

Deep’s was the last posting archived of this thread. Whereas both the formal media and the blogosphere are saturated with critiques of UIDAI, on Gay Bombay at this point one found primarily optimism and expertise. At the most basic, one could argue that Aadhaar was one of a series of recent and negotiated decisions between transgender and kinnar communities (and transgender in English and kinnar (किन्नर) in Hindi are increasingly replacing hijra in much state documentation and debate on the census, reservations in government and education, and UID) and the state, and that its power lies in the importance of recognition of transgender and kinnar persons and communities here as a third gender. But Deep’s posting focuses on the generalized opposition of the poor and the “non-poor,” under the new conditions of non-poor NGOs as Introducers of the poor.